Special Focus: The Automobile Industry: How Rosy Is the Picture?

The automobile industry is often cited as the sector where government’s trade policy has worked wonders. Jeffrey Ndumo examines how true this is.

The Motor Industry Development Programme (MIDP) was introduced in September 1995. It was a policy, jointly developed by government, business and labour, that aimed to produce an internationally competitive and growing automotive industry. This would promote high quality, affordable vehicles and components to the domestic and international markets; provide sustainable employment through increased production and improve the balance of trade in the sector. The MIDP reduced tariffs on imported cars and components, abolished local content provisions that required assemblers to ‘buy local’, gave an incentive to manufacturers of small vehicles to encourage their production and granted credits to exporters which they could use to offset import costs.

Exports

Since the inception of the MIDP, completely built up (CBU) and completely knocked down (CKD) exports have expanded rapidly. This has led many to say that the MIDP is responsible for this success. Similarly component exports have also risen. But delving deeper, one finds that the export of components is highly concentrated in a few products. For example, in 2002, the export of catalytic converters accounted for 40,2% of exports and leather stitched covers 13,9%.

Table 1: major components exports –R million

Component Category

1998

1999

2000

2001

2002

% of total 2002

Catalytic converters

1520

2569

4683

8989

9204

40.2%

Stitched leather components

1854

1888

1926

2391

3184

13.9%

Tyres

498

639

682

781

1379

6.0%

Road wheels and parts

446

518

551

725

955

4.2%

Engine parts

390

383

409

520

771

3.4%

Engines

334

54

76

88

623

2.7%

Wiring Harness

207

304

319

391

457

2.0%

Automotive Tooling

256

264

362

441

363

1.6%

Silences/exhaust pipes

493

598

377

282

340

1.5%

Automotive glass

112

147

171

241

328

1.4%

Transmission shaft/cranks

62

85

127

149

236

1.0%

Ignition/starting equipment

47

94

128

195

231

1.0%

Brake parts

76

79

95

118

215

0.9%

Filters

72

85

118

114

184

0.8%

Car radios

47

73

89

115

171

0.7%

Batteries

79

68

100

116

150

0.7%

Body parts/panels

30

75

84

107

140

0.6%

Axles

7

13

63

81

129

0.6%

Gauges/instruments/parts

30

59

64

77

119

0.5%

Clutches/shaft couplings

51

54

59

92

110

0.5%

Radiators

108

111

72

70

199

0.9%

Other components

1176

1514

2085

2503

3395

14.9%

Total components

7895

9674

12640

18586

22883

100%

Source: TISA , 2003

One of the reasons for this concentration, says Justin Barnes, an automotive industry researcher, is that global marketing networks are controlled by multi-nationals. Multinationals choose their suppliers and independent component companies are extremely unlikely to find a market. For example, the leather car seat manufacturers in South Africa are all multinationals – Bader (German), SA Trim – this explains why they are one of the more successful component exporters. More troubling is the fact that these exports are like an island, they contribute far less than expected to the overall growth of the automotive industry and the broader economy. The MIDP’s stick of declining tariff protection in return for greater freedom to source completely knocked down kits abroad, has caused a substantial decline in the use of locally sourced components in vehicles produced in this country. In 1999, import tariffs on a light vehicle were 50,5%. By January 1, 2004 they were 36%. Likewise import duties on components have gone down from 37,5% in 1999 to 28% in 2004. The results of this are a striking decline in the share of locally sourced components in total components usage. In 1996 it was 40.1%. By 2001, it had reduced to 35.8%. Virtually all the decline occurred between 1999 and 2001. Exports by car assemblers were supposed to generate economies of scale for automotive component suppliers. Instead because assemblers are using less locally sourced components, the reverse is occurring.

Balance of payments

As one would expect, although exports of CBU have grown rapidly, the large and rising imports of components used in these products, have offset the positive effect of CBU exports on the balance of payments. The estimated net contribution of the MIDP to the balance of trade of the industry in 1998-2001 was R4.2 billion compared to R4.1 billion in the period 1996-2001.

Employment

Since MIDP promotes competitiveness, it was hoped that increased production would yield higher employment levels or at least maintain current employment levels. Yet, from 1996 until to date the industry has lost approximately 9900 jobs. With the appreciation of the rand last year more jobs are anticipated to be lost (see table 4).

Table 4: Employment trends in the Automotive Industry

Sub-sectors

1996

1997

1998

1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

Assemblers

38 600

37 100

33 000

32 000

32300

32700

32370

31700

components

45 000

44 000

40 000

39 000

38500

39000

41000

42000

Tyre &rubber

10 000

9 100

9 100

9 000

8600

8700

6000

6000

Motor trade

180 000

170 000

170 000

175 000

175000

175000

178000

184000

Total

273600

260200

252100

256000

254400

225400

257370

263700

Source: DTI, NAAMSA, NAACAM, 2003

The rise of imports together with the rationalisation of the industry, the introduction of capital intensive technology have all contributed to job losses. These figures exclude casual and outsourced workers that rely on contracts. But often these jobs are not permanent. “At Daimler Chrysler, the truck plant was outsourced four years ago,” says Numsa President, Mtutuzeli Tom. “Those workers who formed part of the outsourcing process are not represented in the Auto National Bargaining Forum. Agreements signed there that involve wages and working conditions do not cover them. Numsa is forced to negotiate on behalf of these workers directly with the new employer. But the bargaining power of those workers is weak because they are no longer part of the mainstream bargaining process and this also contributes to the weakening of the union’s bargaining power.”

Vehicle affordability

Even on vehicle affordability, the MIDP has failed. 10 years are gone, and the price of vehicles is continuing to increase, reaching above inflation levels with little sign of abating (see graph). Compared with developed and other developing countries, vehicles in South Africa are expensive and continuously rising. In the US it costs an average of 19 weeks salary to pay off a new vehicle compared with an average of 208 weeks in South Africa . Vehicle assemblers are planning to abandon assembling entry level vehicles, which would further deprive low earners of the ability to purchase a vehicle. Assemblers cite the low profit margins as the main reason for abandoning entry level vehicles. According to Wesbank research, 95% of consumers in South Africa are unable to afford new vehicles.

Graph 1: Vehicle prices and Consumer Price Index, 1971-2003

Source: Wes bank, 2003

While the automotive sector may claim success in a few areas (i.e. rise of exports, increased output, competitiveness, etc.), nonetheless it remains a poor performer in many key areas in which the policy was constructed to address. The overall story of the MIDP remains depressing, despite the positive rhetoric emanating from government and other intellectual quarters. The MIDP has been found deficient, not only in terms of employment, but also in other areas such as vehicle affordability, local content and balance of trade.

Jeffrey Ndumo is Numsa’s researcher

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